Cabinet Mission (March–May 1946)

Why the Cabinet Mission was sent?

After WWII the British Labour government (which had sympathy for Indian self-rule) decided that peaceful withdrawal was necessary and inevitable.
On 22 January 1946 the British Cabinet decided to send a mission; Clement Attlee announced it on 19 Feb 1946. A three-member team (Sir Pethick Lawrence — chair, Stafford Cripps, A. V. Alexander) arrived in March to negotiate two things with Indian leaders:

1. Formation of an interim (national) government, and
2. Settlement of the constitutional future — i.e., how India would be governed after transfer of power.

Their proposals were announced as the Cabinet Mission Plan (May 16 Plan) on 16 May 1946.

The basic thrust of the Plan — preserve unity but give autonomy

The Mission aimed a delicate balance: keep India united (British preferred a united India for strategic reasons) while conceding very large regional autonomy so that communal fears (especially Muslim fears) might be soothed. The idea: avoid partition by offering a flexible federal structure that would meet both Congress’s and League’s core anxieties.

Why did Britain push for unity? Practically: a united subcontinent was seen as stronger for defence, diplomacy, and continued Commonwealth ties; a divided subcontinent would be weaker and more troublesome to manage strategically.

Institutional architecture proposed (the technical core)

Union of India (One country)

India (British India + Princely States) would remain a single Union — not split at once.

A three-tier federal structure

1. Federal Union (top tier) — very limited powers (see Federal Formula below).
2. Groups of provinces (middle tier) — the new and crucial feature. Provinces could be grouped into more autonomous bundles.
3. Individual provinces (bottom tier) — provincial legislatures retained significant authority.

Grouping of provinces into Sections A, B, C

• Section A — Hindu-majority provinces (e.g., Bombay, Madras, United Provinces, Bihar, Orissa, Central Provinces).
• Section B — North-West Muslim-majority provinces (Punjab, NWFP, Sindh).
• Section C — North-East Muslim-majority provinces (Bengal, Assam).

Each group could draft its own group constitution and exercise wide autonomy — this was crucial because it gave the League effective control over Muslim-majority groupings without creating a separate state immediately.

Constituent Assembly and the numbers

• A Constituent Assembly (to draft the Union Constitution) was to be set up. Its total membership = 389.
  • 292 members to be elected indirectly by Provincial Legislative Assemblies by proportional representation (this meant provincial legislators would elect the Assembly members using a PR system divided by communities — General, Muslim, Sikh).
    • Section A representation = 187 members (167 General + 20 Muslim).
    • Section B representation = 35 members (9 General + 22 Muslim + 4 Sikh).
    • Section C representation = 70 members (34 General + 36 Muslim).
    • (187 + 35 + 70 = 292; the breakdown shows the communal arithmetic built into the plan.)
  • 93 members from the Princely States (represented separately).
  • 4 members from the Chief Commissioners’ Provinces (Delhi, Ajmer-Merwara, Coorg, Baluchistan).

Important technical points:

• Elections to the Constituent Assembly were indirect (not by mass franchise) — chosen by provincial legislators.
• Proportional representation meant the composition mirrored the political strength inside provincial assemblies.

Provinces and groups: exit and review clauses

• A province could leave its group (A/B/C) after the first general elections, but it could not leave the Union.
• A province or group could ask for reconsideration of the group or union constitutions after ten years, and then at ten-year intervals. (This was meant to give breathing space, but it also froze the basic architecture for a decade.)

Communal safeguard (the “communal veto” formula)

• For major communal issues in the Constituent Assembly, a decision required:
  1. A majority of all members present and voting, and
  2. A majority of the members present and voting from each of the two major communities — General and Muslim.

In practice this was a form of communal safeguard: if the Muslim group present and voting did not agree on a major communal issue, it could block the decision. This protected Muslim interests on critical items.

The Federal Formula — what the Union would actually do

The Mission proposed a weak centre. The Union’s domain would be confined to a few essential subjects:

• Foreign affairs, defence, and communications (railways, posts, telegraphs).
• All other subjects, including the residuary powers (the powers not listed anywhere), would go to the provincial legislatures.

Residuary powers to provinces is crucial: unlike a strong centralizing federalism where residuary powers stay with the Centre, here provinces held them — making the Union deliberately weak.

Princely States retained almost all subjects and powers except those specifically ceded to the Union — again giving them autonomy and preserving their status.

Relation Between the Princely States and the British Crown

• The paramountcy of the British Crown over the princely states was to be ended.
• This meant the British government would no longer control or protect the princes.
• Each princely state would be free to negotiate new relations — either with the future Indian Union or (theoretically) even directly with Britain.

👉 This was the beginning of the end of the princely order.
After Independence, Sardar Patel and V. P. Menon would use this clause to integrate the 565 princely states into the Indian Union.

The Interim Government – The Short-Term Aspect

The Cabinet Mission had two main objectives — one immediate and one long-term.

Aspect	Purpose
Short-term	Formation of an Interim Government, drawn from Indian leaders, to run the administration until a new constitution came into force.
Long-term	Setting up a Constituent Assembly to draft the new Constitution of India.

So, the Interim Government would be the bridge between colonial rule and full self-rule.

The Constituent Assembly – The Long-Term Aspect

The Constituent Assembly would draft the Constitution of free India.
But it was not to be elected directly by the people — rather, it was indirectly elected by members of the provincial legislatures, as provided under the Government of India Act of 1935.

How the Assembly was Constituted

1. Seats proportional to population – roughly 1 seat per 10 lakh people (ratio = 1:10,00,000).
2. Communal distribution – seats divided among General, Muslim, and Sikh communities in proportion to their population.
3. Method of election – each community in the provincial legislatures elected its own representatives by proportional representation with a single transferable vote.
4. Princely States – their representatives were to be nominated through consultation, not elected.

In total, 389 members were planned:

• 292 from British Indian provinces,
• 93 from princely states,
• 4 from Chief Commissioners’ provinces (Delhi, Ajmer-Merwara, Coorg, Baluchistan).

Why Not Adult Franchise?

The Mission knew that adult suffrage would be the fairest way to elect such an assembly.
But they argued that:

Holding nationwide adult elections would delay constitution-making by several years.

Hence, they used the recently elected provincial assemblies (from early 1946) as the “electoral colleges.”

So, while not democratic in the modern sense, the Constituent Assembly was still broadly representative of India’s political spectrum.

Initial Reactions – Both Congress and League “Accepted” It.

When the Cabinet Mission Plan was announced on 16 May 1946, both the Congress and the Muslim League initially accepted it —
but each with its own interpretation.

(A) Muslim League’s Interpretation

• The groupings (A, B, C) were compulsory, not optional.
• The League saw this as the next best thing to Pakistan —
  because the Muslim-majority groups (B & C) could act as semi-autonomous regions, eventually capable of seceding.
• Therefore, the League accepted the plan as an implicit path to Pakistan in the long term.

(B) Congress’s Interpretation

• The groupings were voluntary, not mandatory.
• Provinces could choose whether to join a group or not from the very beginning.
• Congress also emphasized the unity of India and wanted the Central Government to have strong powers.

Thus, even though both sides said “yes,” their “yes” meant two opposite things —
a classic case of agreement in words but not in meaning.

Breakdown of Consensus – Mission Leaves India

When the Cabinet Mission realized that the two parties’ interpretations were irreconcilable, it tried to mediate — but failed.

• Congress insisted that provinces should have the option not to join any group right from the start.
• League wanted grouping to be compulsory and the right to question the Union Constitution immediately (not after 10 years).

Both refused to yield.

On 29 June 1946, the Cabinet Mission left India, acknowledging failure.

The Final Rejection

After the Mission’s departure, events moved quickly and decisively.

Date	Event
10 July 1946	Congress formally rejected the long-term federal plan (especially grouping) but agreed to join the Constituent Assembly.
29 July 1946	Muslim League withdrew its acceptance, rejecting the plan entirely and calling for “Direct Action” to achieve Pakistan.

👉 This was the turning point: after July 1946, Partition became inevitable.

Most Congress leaders — though still lamenting the division — came to see it as tragic but unavoidable.
Only Mahatma Gandhi and Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan (Frontier Gandhi) continued to oppose partition uncompromisingly.

Why the Cabinet Mission Rejected the Idea of Pakistan

The Mission had already examined Jinnah’s demand and concluded that Pakistan was impractical and unjustified on several grounds:

1. If communal self-determination was accepted for Muslims, then non-Muslims in Punjab, Bengal, and Assam could claim the same right — leading to endless fragmentation.
2. The economic and administrative interdependence of Indian regions made division unworkable.
3. Britain itself wanted a united, strategically strong India within the Commonwealth.

Hence, the Mission proposed the grouping formula as a compromise —

• appeasing the League by giving autonomy to Muslim-majority regions,
• satisfying the Congress by maintaining a single Indian Union.

But as we saw, both sides wanted more than the other could accept.

Elections to the Constituent Assembly (July 1946)

Despite political turmoil, elections to the Constituent Assembly went ahead in July 1946 for 296 British Indian seats (the rest were for princely states).

Results

• The Congress swept the general (non-Muslim) seats, securing an overwhelming majority.
• The Muslim League, meanwhile, boycotted the elections — insisting that only a separate Pakistan could represent Muslim interests.
• Some Socialists and Leftists also stayed away, viewing the Assembly as a British creation.

Thus, when the Assembly first met in December 1946:

• Nearly 82 % of its members belonged to or were aligned with the Congress.

This gave the Congress almost complete control of constitution-making —
but it also meant that the Muslim League’s voice was absent from the process at the very moment decisions were being shaped.

Significance and Aftermath

The Cabinet Mission Plan was the last British attempt to preserve India’s unity.
When it failed, the British government accepted Partition as the only workable solution.

Key consequences:

1. The Constituent Assembly began work — this eventually produced the Constitution of independent India (1950).
2. The Muslim League’s boycott hardened communal separation.
3. The “Direct Action” call led to communal riots, beginning with the Great Calcutta Killings (August 1946).
4. From this point, negotiations shifted from how to share power within one India to how to divide India.

Summary Table

Aspect	Congress	Muslim League	Cabinet Mission’s Stand
Grouping of Provinces	Voluntary	Compulsory	Ambiguous (but practically compulsory)
Strength of Centre	Wanted strong Centre	Wanted weak Centre	Proposed weak Centre
View on Pakistan	Rejected	Demanded	Rejected (proposed group autonomy instead)
Participation in Constituent Assembly	Yes	Boycotted (after July 1946)	–
Outcome	Congress-led Assembly formed	Called for Direct Action	Mission left India (29 June 1946)

Historical Reflection

The Cabinet Mission Plan was a brilliant constitutional compromise but a political failure.
It sought to blend unity and autonomy, but it underestimated:

• the depth of communal mistrust,
• the impatience of Indian leaders, and
• the exhaustion of British authority.

In the end, the same plan that aimed to unite India became the last step before Partition.