Nehru Report - Clarity Desk Hub IAS

Background: Why the Nehru Report Was Needed

Lord Birkenhead’s Challenge (1925)

In 1925, Lord Birkenhead, the Secretary of State for India, openly challenged Indian leaders:
“If you think Indians are capable of framing a Constitution, then produce one — but it should be acceptable to all communities.”

👉 This was a provocative statement. On the surface, it looked like a test of Indian political maturity, but in reality, it was meant to expose divisions (especially Hindu-Muslim differences) and to prove that Indians could never agree on a single constitutional framework.

Guwahati Congress Session (1926)

By late 1926, communal tensions were high. The Congress Session at Guwahati (presided over by Srinivasa Iyengar) took note of this and passed a resolution:

The Congress Working Committee (CWC) should work with Hindu and Muslim leaders to bridge differences.
They were asked to submit a report to the All India Congress Committee (AICC) by 31 March 1927.

👉 In other words, Congress realized that communal harmony was a precondition for constitutional progress.

The Delhi Proposals (1927)

On 20 March 1927, a group of prominent Muslim leaders met in Delhi and drafted a set of demands, which came to be known as the Delhi Proposals. These were crucial because they showed a willingness to compromise — Muslims were ready to accept joint electorates (instead of separate ones), but only under certain safeguards:

One-third representation for Muslims in the Central Legislature.
In Punjab and Bengal (Muslim-majority provinces), representation should be in proportion to population.
Creation of three new Muslim-majority provinces:
- Sindh (separated from Bombay)
- NWFP (North-West Frontier Province, upgraded to self-governing status)
- Baluchistan (also upgraded).

👉 These proposals were influenced significantly by Jinnah, who played a leading role.

The Congress Working Committee welcomed this move, appreciating that Muslims were agreeing to joint electorates — a potential breakthrough in Hindu-Muslim relations.

Split in the Muslim League (1928)

But consensus did not last. In 1928, the Muslim League split:

Muhammed Shafi’s faction opposed cooperation with Congress.
Jinnah’s faction leaned towards compromise.

This division actually aligned with British strategy: keep Indians divided, prevent any united Hindu-Muslim front.

Hindu Mahasabha’s Opposition

The Hindu Mahasabha opposed the Delhi Proposals strongly. Their objections:

Creating new Muslim-majority provinces.
Reserving seats for Muslims even in Muslim-majority provinces like Punjab and Bengal.

👉 This shows the tug-of-war: Muslims wanted safeguards against domination, while Hindu communal groups resisted further “privileges” for Muslims.

Towards the Nehru Report

1. AICC Resolution (Bombay, May 1927)

The AICC meeting at Bombay passed a resolution:

Accepted the Delhi Proposals, with a small modification: Sindh should be separated not on communal grounds but on general administrative grounds.
Called upon the Working Committee to draft a Swaraj Constitution for India in consultation with elected representatives.

2. Madras Congress Session (1927)

The 42nd Congress Session at Madras (presided by Dr. M.A. Ansari, then also Muslim League President) was historic for several reasons:

Passed a resolution for boycott of the Simon Commission.
Authorized the Working Committee to prepare a Swaraj Constitution.
Protested against using Indian troops abroad (China, Mesopotamia, Persia).
Most importantly: Jawaharlal Nehru introduced a resolution for Poorna Swaraj (complete independence).
- This was the first time Congress officially declared independence as its goal, not just reforms or Dominion Status.

👉 But remember: this was a radical minority view at the time. The larger political consensus was still moving more cautiously.

All Parties Conferences: Building Consensus

All Parties Conference, Delhi (Feb 1928)

Convened in line with the Madras resolution. Attended by representatives of Congress, Muslim League, Hindu Mahasabha, Liberals, etc.

The idea was to draft a constitution acceptable to all.
Result: The Conference agreed on aiming for a Dominion form of government, not yet full independence.

👉 Note the compromise: Congress had flirted with independence at Madras, but at this all-party platform, the mood was less radical. Dominion Status was seen as a “common minimum.”

All Parties Conference, Bombay (May 1928)

Here, a committee was appointed to draft the constitution. This became the famous Nehru Committee, with:

Motilal Nehru as Chairman.
Other members: Tej Bahadur Sapru, Ali Imam, Subhas Bose, Shuaib Qureshi, M.R. Jayakar, N.M. Joshi, Mangal Singh, and others.
Jawaharlal Nehru served as General Secretary.

👉 This committee was India’s first serious attempt at writing a Constitution by Indians themselves.

All Parties Conference, Lucknow (Aug 1928)

The Nehru Committee submitted its report here — known as the Nehru Report (1928).

This document would become a landmark: the first comprehensive Indian draft of a constitutional framework.
It directly answered Birkenhead’s challenge and acted as the Indian counter to the Simon Commission.

✅ Up to this point, we’ve set the stage for the Nehru Report:

British challenge (Birkenhead).
Attempts at Hindu-Muslim compromise (Delhi Proposals).
Congress resolutions (Bombay, Madras).
All Parties Conferences (Delhi, Bombay).
Finally, the creation of the Nehru Committee to draft India’s Constitution.

Excellent — now we’ve arrived at the heart of the Nehru Report (1928) itself, the first serious Indian attempt to draft a Constitution. Let’s explore it:

The Nehru Report (1928): Recommendations

Dominion Status as the Immediate Goal

The Report recommended that India should be given Dominion Status within the British Empire, similar to Canada, Australia, South Africa, New Zealand, and the Irish Free State.
This meant India would remain within the Empire but enjoy self-governing powers, with only a symbolic link to the Crown.
👉 At this stage, Congress had not yet officially demanded full independence; Dominion Status was seen as a realistic step forward.

Electorates and Franchise

Joint electorates (no separate communal electorates).
Universal adult suffrage (every adult has the right to vote, irrespective of gender, caste, or class).
👉 This was revolutionary for its time — remember, even in Britain, full adult suffrage was not universal until later.

Reservation for Muslims and Minorities

For Muslims: Seats reserved at the Centre and in provinces where Muslims were a minority.
No reservation in Muslim-majority provinces (Punjab and Bengal).
For other minorities: Reserved seats for ten years only.

👉 This was a compromise: it tried to balance Muslim safeguards with the Congress’ vision of joint electorates. Not surprisingly, it satisfied neither side fully.

Federal Structure with a Strong Centre

India to be a federation of provinces, built on linguistic lines (progressive idea).
The Centre to hold residuary powers, i.e., powers not specifically given to provinces.
👉 This showed preference for a strong Centre — an idea that carried forward into the actual Constitution of 1950.

Form of Government

Parliamentary form of government.
Bi-cameral legislature (two houses).
Responsible government — the executive fully accountable to the legislature.
👉 This was directly inspired by the Westminster model.

Fundamental Rights

The Report listed nineteen Fundamental Rights, including:
- Equal rights for men and women.
- Right to form unions.
- Dissociation of state from religion (secularism in spirit).
  👉 This was a visionary element — the idea of Fundamental Rights would later become a pillar of the Indian Constitution.

Other Notable Points

Omitted a formal Preamble but included the definition of citizen.
Proposed that India be called the “Commonwealth of India.”

Dominion vs Responsible Government

The Report assumed that Dominion Status = Responsible Government.
It criticized British officials like Malcolm Hailey for artificially distinguishing between the two.
👉 This assumption reflected the nationalist demand that Dominion should not be a sham; it must mean genuine parliamentary responsibility.

The Princely States Issue

By 1927, people of princely states had begun demanding reforms, forming the States People’s Conference.
This alarmed the princes, who sought British protection. In response, the British appointed the Butler Committee (1927) to clarify relations between British Paramountcy and princely states.
- The Committee’s 1929 report reaffirmed paramountcy and held that princely states should not be forced into a relationship with a responsible Indian government without their consent.
The Nehru Report criticized this and recommended:
- Paramountcy rights should be transferred to the Government of the Commonwealth of India.
- Disputes between princely states and the Commonwealth should be settled by the Supreme Court.

👉 This showed that nationalists wanted not just reforms in British India, but also integration of the princely states into a unified India.

Significance of the Nehru Report

First Indian Draft Constitution: For the first time, Indians framed a constitutional document for themselves, answering Birkenhead’s challenge.
Destroyed British Excuse: It demolished the imperial claim that Indians could not frame constitutional schemes.
Blueprint for the Future: Though it failed to secure consensus at the time, many of its features — Fundamental Rights, parliamentary government, federal structure, linguistic provinces — later shaped the 1950 Constitution.

✅ In summary:
The Nehru Report was a milestone — India’s first serious constitutional draft. It revealed both the possibility of Indian political maturity and the deep divisions (especially over communal representation). Its immediate effect was limited, but historically, it laid the groundwork for India’s future constitutional journey..

Aftermath of the Nehru Report

Opposition and Lack of Consensus

The Nehru Report was historic, but it was also deeply contested:

Muslim League and Hindu Mahasabha opposed it.
Within Congress itself, the younger radicals led by Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Chandra Bose criticized it for not going far enough.
- Their main objection: it still accepted Dominion Status, whereas they wanted nothing less than Poorna Swaraj (complete independence).

👉 Thus, what was meant to be a unifying constitutional draft ended up as a “mere paper document” — not a practical alternative.

The Independence for India League (1928)

Frustrated with the moderation of the Nehru Report, a younger group within Congress formed the Independence for India League in 1928.

Leaders: Srinivasa Iyengar (President), Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Bose (Secretaries).
Goals:
- Reject Dominion Status.
- Demand complete independence (Poorna Swaraj).
- Work for an Indian Republic on socialist lines.

👉 This League acted as a pressure group inside Congress, pushing it towards radical positions.

All Parties Convention, Calcutta (December 1928)

The Nehru Report was formally considered here. But consensus collapsed due to objections from communal organizations:

Muslim League (Jinnah’s faction), Hindu Mahasabha, Sikh League all raised objections.
Jinnah’s three key demands:
1. One-third Muslim representation in Central Legislature.
2. Proportionate Muslim representation in Punjab and Bengal.
3. Residual powers to provinces, not the centre.

All these were rejected by Congress and others. Result? Jinnah abandoned hopes of working with Congress and shifted to the Shafi faction (the more hardline Muslim League group).

👉 This was the turning point — from here, Jinnah’s politics moved away from cooperation towards confrontation.

Jinnah’s Fourteen Points (March 1929)

In March 1929, Jinnah presented his famous Fourteen Points, which became the bedrock of Muslim League politics. They crystallized the Muslim position in constitutional negotiations:

Key Demands:

Separate electorates.
Federal Constitution with residuary powers in provinces.
Provincial autonomy.
One-third of seats in central legislature for Muslims.
One-third Muslim representation in cabinets.
Sindh to be separated from Bombay Presidency.
Reforms in NWFP and Baluchistan like other provinces.
Adequate Muslim representation in legislatures of every province.
No territorial redistribution to reduce Muslim majorities in Punjab, Bengal, NWFP.
Central Legislature not to amend Constitution without States’ consent.
Full religious liberty to all communities.
No bill to be passed if ¾ of any community in a legislature opposed it.
Adequate Muslim share in Services and local bodies.
Safeguards for Muslim religion, culture, education, language, and personal law.

👉 These points were, in effect, a Muslim counter-constitution — ensuring maximum safeguards, even veto power, for Muslims.

Calcutta Congress Session (December 1928)

At the same time, the Congress met at Calcutta.

Gandhi’s resolution: Accepted Nehru Report, warned the British to grant Dominion Status by 31 December 1929, or else Congress would launch a Civil Disobedience Movement.
Jawaharlal Nehru’s amendment: Demanded immediate declaration of complete independence.
A compromise was reached: Congress gave Britain a deadline (end of 1929).

👉 Since Lord Irwin showed no concrete move towards Dominion Status, Congress eventually declared Poorna Swaraj in December 1929 (Lahore Session) — ending the relevance of the Nehru Report.

Muslim League’s Stand in 1929

On 1 January 1929, the All India Muslim Conference met in Delhi. It declared:
1. India must have a federal system with full autonomy and residuary powers to provinces.
2. Separate electorates must continue until Muslim rights were fully safeguarded.

👉 Together with Jinnah’s Fourteen Points, this marked the formal polarization of Hindu and Muslim political positions.

Historical Significance

Missed Opportunity: The Nehru Report could have been a chance for Hindu-Muslim unity, but its rejection deepened the communal divide.
Radicalization of Congress: It exposed the gap between moderates (Dominion Status) and radicals (Poorna Swaraj), pushing Congress eventually towards complete independence.
Rise of Jinnah’s Politics: Jinnah’s Fourteen Points laid the foundation for the Two-Nation framework.
Prelude to Civil Disobedience: By failing to satisfy Indian aspirations, the Nehru Report set the stage for Congress’ most aggressive phase — the Civil Disobedience Movement (1930).