Revolutionary Nationalism in the 1920s

Background: From Decline to Revival

During World War I, revolutionary nationalists faced severe repression; by 1918 their activities had declined.
In 1919–20, many revolutionaries were released to create a “conciliatory atmosphere” for the Montagu–Chelmsford Reforms.
Soon after, Gandhi launched the Non-Cooperation Movement (1920). Leaders like Gandhi and C.R. Das urged revolutionaries to suspend violence and join the mass non-violent movement.

➡️ Most revolutionaries respected this call and either joined Non-Cooperation or remained inactive.

But the sudden withdrawal of the movement in 1922 (after Chauri Chaura) left them disillusioned.

Many young revolutionaries lost faith in Gandhi’s non-violence, believing it could never uproot British power.
Neither the Swarajists’ parliamentary politics nor the No-Changers’ constructive work appealed to them.
They turned instead to the “cult of the bomb” — believing only armed struggle could achieve freedom.

Two Centres of Revolutionary Activity

After 1922, two broad groups of revolutionaries emerged:

Northern India (Punjab, U.P., Bihar, Central Provinces):
- Organised under the Hindustan Republican Association (HRA).
Bengal (and Eastern India):
- Revolved around the Yugantar, Anushilan Samiti, and later the Chittagong group.

Common Inspirations:

The Russian Revolution (1917) – showed that radical struggle could topple mighty empires.
Growth of socialist ideas and militant trade unionism.
Desire to link with the Soviet Union for organisational and material help.

Hindustan Republican Association (HRA) – Revolutionaries of Northern India

Formed in October 1924 at Kanpur by leaders like Sachindranath Sanyal, Jogesh Chatterjee, and Ram Prasad Bismil.
Objective: to launch an armed revolution and establish a Federal Republic of the United States of India with universal adult franchise.
To fund operations, they planned dacoities (robberies) targeting government property.

The Kakori Train Robbery (1925)

Date: 9 August 1925.
Location: Kakori, near Lucknow.
Action: HRA members robbed the government treasury carried in a train.
Tragedy: An innocent passenger was accidentally killed.

Government Response:

Massive crackdown.
The Kakori Conspiracy Case (1925) led to:
- 17 revolutionaries sentenced to long imprisonment.
- 4 sentenced to transportation for life.
- 4 hanged: Ram Prasad Bismil, Ashfaqulla Khan, Rajendra Lahiri, and Roshan Singh.

Martyrdom of Ram Prasad Bismil

A poet and fiery revolutionary, Ram Prasad Bismil became immortal in nationalist memory.
Before his execution, he recited lines that electrified a generation:

“Sarfaroshi ki tamanna ab hamare dil mein hai,
Dekhna hai zor kitna baazu-e-qaatil mein hai.”
Ram prasad bismil

Originally written by Bismil Azimabadi of Patna, this couplet became a rallying cry for India’s youth, symbolising fearless defiance against British tyranny.

➡️ The Kakori martyrs inspired an entire generation of young Indians to dedicate themselves to the cause of freedom.

✅ So, while the Congress experimented with council entry, constructive work, and socialist debates, the revolutionaries reignited the flame of armed defiance, ensuring the freedom struggle did not lose its sharp edge of sacrifice and martyrdom.

Great —next we shall move on to discuss one of the most inspiring and emotionally charged chapters of the 1920s: the story of Bhagat Singh, Chandrashekhar Azad, and the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association (HSRA). Let’s go:

Hindustan Socialist Republican Association (HSRA)

Reorganisation after Kakori

The Kakori Conspiracy (1925) and the execution of Ram Prasad Bismil, Ashfaqulla Khan, and others left the revolutionary stream severely weakened.
But a new generation of young revolutionaries stepped in to fill the void:
- U.P. side: Bejoy Kumar Sinha, Shiv Verma, Jaidev Kapoor.
- Punjab side: Bhagat Singh, Bhagwati Charan Vohra, Sukhdev.
Together, under Chandrashekhar Azad, they reorganised the HRA.
On 9–10 September 1928, at Ferozeshah Kotla (Delhi), the revolutionaries:
- Accepted Socialism as their official goal.
- Renamed the group as the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association (HSRA).

➡️ Their shift was crucial: from individual heroic actions (assassinations, dacoities) to mass-based socialist revolution.

The Saunders Assassination (1927)

Context: Lala Lajpat Rai’s death after a brutal lathi charge during the anti-Simon Commission protest at Lahore (November 1928).
Police officer James Scott had ordered the charge.
On 17 December 1928, Bhagat Singh, Rajguru, and Azad attempted to assassinate Scott but mistakenly killed John Saunders (Assistant Superintendent of Police) instead.
This marked their return to violent retaliation, though now linked with broader political objectives.

Central Legislative Assembly Bombing (1929)

The HSRA wanted to publicise its new revolutionary programme to the masses.
Target: Public Safety Bill and Trade Disputes Bill, which curtailed civil liberties and workers’ rights.
On 8 April 1929, Bhagat Singh and Batukeshwar Dutt threw bombs into the Central Legislative Assembly in Delhi.

Key Points:

The bombs were deliberately harmless — the aim was symbolic: “to make the deaf hear.”
They could have escaped, but chose to get arrested, using the trial as a political stage.
Their fiery court statements were published widely, turning them into household names.

The Lahore Conspiracy Case (1929–31)

Bhagat Singh, Rajguru, Sukhdev, and others were tried for the Saunders assassination.
They transformed the courtroom into a platform of revolutionary propaganda.
Their conduct — bold statements, fearless defiance — captured the imagination of Indians across classes.

Hunger Strike and Martyrdom of Jatin Das

While in jail, they launched a hunger strike demanding political prisoner status and humane conditions.
Jatin Das died after a 63-day hunger strike (September 1929), creating a wave of sympathy and admiration across India.

Execution of Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev, and Rajguru

Despite massive popular protests, the three were executed on 23 March 1931.
Their martyrdom triggered an unprecedented outpouring of grief and anger:
- Schools and offices shut down spontaneously.
- People fasted, sang songs, and carried their portraits.
- Bhagat Singh’s popularity now rivalled Gandhi’s, especially among the youth.

Legacy of Bhagat Singh and HSRA

Bhagat Singh became not just a revolutionary but a legend, symbolising fearless sacrifice and socialist vision.
He combined romantic heroism with a clear political ideology: his writings spoke of socialism, anti-imperialism, and secularism.
The HSRA inspired countless young men and women, showing that the struggle for freedom was not only about political independence, but also about social and economic justice.

✅ Thus, while Gandhian nationalism worked through mass mobilisation and moral appeal, HSRA injected a fiery spirit of sacrifice and socialist vision. Even though their methods were violently repressed, their martyrdom electrified the national imagination, leaving an immortal mark on India’s freedom struggle.

Ideological Development of North Indian Revolutionaries

Early Stage: HRA’s Vision

The Hindustan Republican Association (HRA), founded in 1924, had already moved beyond just romantic violence.
Its 1925 manifesto declared:
- Aim: establishment of a Federal Republic of the United States of India.
- Principle: universal suffrage and abolition of all forms of exploitation (“man by man”).
In its October 1924 meeting, HRA even discussed:
- Preaching social revolution.
- Setting up labour-peasant organisations.
- Promoting communistic principles like nationalisation of railways, heavy industry, ship-building, and mines.

➡️ So, the roots of socialism in the revolutionary tradition were already present before Bhagat Singh’s generation reorganised it as HSRA.

Shift to Socialism: HSRA’s New Ideology

By 1928, under Chandrashekhar Azad, Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev, Shiv Varma, and others, the organisation renamed itself Hindustan Socialist Republican Association (HSRA).
The HSRA officially adopted socialism and Marxism as its guiding ideology.

Key documents & statements:

HSRA Manifesto to Congress (1929): “The hope of the proletariat now centred in socialism, which alone can lead to complete independence and removal of all social distinctions.”
The Philosophy of the Bomb (1929) by Bhagwati Charan Vohra, Azad, and Yashpal:
- Defined revolution as not just political freedom, but also social and economic equality.
- Goal: a new order where exploitation would be impossible.
Assembly Bomb Case Statement (1929): Bhagat Singh & B.K. Dutt clarified

“Revolution does not necessarily mean violence. By revolution, we mean that the present unjust system must change.”

➡️ They thus redefined revolution: from terroristic violence → to systemic transformation.

Bhagat Singh’s Intellectual Journey

Born (1907): in a patriotic family. Uncle Ajit Singh was a revolutionary; deeply inspired by Kartar Singh Sarabha (Ghadar hero).
Voracious reader: absorbed Marx, Lenin, the Russian Revolution, socialist and nationalist thinkers worldwide.
By the late 1920s, Bhagat Singh had:
- Abandoned the cult of individual terrorism.
- Declared that only mass-based popular struggles could liberate India.
- Founded the Naujawan Bharat Sabha (1926) to politically mobilise youth, peasants, and workers.

His final testament (Feb 1931):

“Apparently, I have acted like a terrorist. But I am not a terrorist, and never was, except perhaps at the beginning of my career. I am convinced we cannot gain anything through those methods.”

➡️ This shows his evolution from a fiery revolutionary → to a political thinker with a socialist, mass-oriented vision.

Revolution Redefined: Social Equality and Mass Struggle

Bhagat Singh and HSRA leaders shifted the meaning of Revolution:
- Not just bombs and assassinations.
- But independence + social, political, and economic justice.
- Goal: a society free of exploitation — “of man by man, of nation by nation.”
Revolution was to be achieved “by the masses, for the masses.”
Bhagat Singh famously declared: “The real revolutionary armies are in the villages and factories.”

Naujawan Bharat Sabha (1926)

Founded in March 1926 at Lahore by Bhagat Singh and comrades.
Aim: spread nationalist and socialist ideas among students, peasants, and workers.
Became a key platform for awakening Punjab’s youth.
Later, it allied with the Kirti Kisan Party (peasant-based, led by Sohan Singh Josh).
Together, they pledged to fight for peasant upliftment and an egalitarian social order.

Significance of This Ideological Shift

Earlier revolutionaries were mainly focused on heroic action against colonial rulers.
The HSRA generation gave the movement a vision of social revolution, connecting freedom to equality, socialism, and class struggle.
Bhagat Singh thus bridged the gap between romantic nationalism and modern socialist politics, leaving behind a powerful intellectual legacy.

✅ So, while the Kakori heroes symbolised sacrifice and courage, Bhagat Singh’s generation added clarity of thought and socialist ideology. His message was clear: bombs could inspire, but only mass movements of workers and peasants could win true independence and social justice.

Perfect — now, let’s move on to the Bengal phase of revolutionary nationalism and its unique contributions, particularly the role of Surya Sen (“Masterda”) and the unprecedented participation of women. Let’s understand this:

Revolutionary Nationalism in Bengal

Reorganisation after 1922

After the suspension of the Non-Cooperation Movement, Bengal revolutionaries regrouped.
They adopted a dual strategy:
- Work underground, with secret societies (Yugantar, Anushilan).
- Simultaneously participate in Congress activities, recognising that Gandhiji’s Congress had mass reach. This allowed them to recruit youth and stay connected with broader politics.
A new group, the Chittagong Revolt Group, led by Surya Sen (Masterda), emerged as the most daring force.

Surya Sen and the Chittagong Armoury Raid (1930)

Surya Sen: Schoolteacher, participant in Non-Cooperation, later Secretary of Chittagong District Congress Committee. Known affectionately as Masterda.
He built a network of revolutionary youth: Anant Singh, Ganesh Ghosh, Ambika Chakravarty, Loknath Pau, and many others.

The Plan:

Objective: to demonstrate that British rule could be challenged by armed action.
Strategy: simultaneous raids on armouries to seize weapons.

Execution (18 April 1930):

The armoury at Chittagong was raided under the banner of the Indian Republican Army (Chittagong Branch).
Union Jack was pulled down, and the National Flag was raised with cries of “Bande Mataram” and “Inquilab Zindabad”.
Unable to hold the town against superior British forces, they retreated to surrounding villages and waged guerrilla warfare for nearly three years — surviving due to support from villagers, many of whom were Muslims.

Aftermath:

Surya Sen was arrested (16 February 1933), tried, and hanged on 12 January 1934.
His martyrdom became legendary, symbolising the selflessness and organisational skill of Bengal’s revolutionaries.

Distinctive Features of Bengal’s Revolutionary Phase

Compared to earlier individual acts of terrorism, the Chittagong revolt represented a new stage:

Group action against state institutions, not just assassinations of individuals.
Active participation of women — both in support roles and direct combat.
Decline of religiosity in oaths and symbolism; inclusion of Muslims in revolutionary ranks signalled a move toward secular nationalism.

However, unlike Bhagat Singh and HSRA in the north, Bengal revolutionaries did not articulate a clear socialist programme or systematically link with peasant struggles. Many also failed to oppose zamindari interests while working with the Swaraj Party.

Women Revolutionaries of Bengal

This period is remarkable for the courage and visibility of young women:

Kalpana Dutta: Took part in the Chittagong raid; later arrested in 1933 and sentenced to life imprisonment (released 1939).
Santi Ghose and Suniti Choudhury (both 16 years old): Assassinated Comilla District Magistrate Charles Stevens in December 1931, entering his office disguised as schoolgirls with gifts.
Bina Das: In February 1932, attempted to assassinate Bengal Governor Stanley Jackson at a convocation; fired five shots but missed.
Pritilata Waddedar: Led an attack on the Pahartali European Club (which had the racist sign “Dogs and Indians not allowed”). Wounded, she consumed cyanide to avoid capture. Revered as “Bengal’s first woman martyr”.

➡️ These examples show that revolutionary nationalism in Bengal created space for women’s militant participation — a significant social breakthrough.

Decline of Revolutionary Nationalism in the 1930s

Several factors contributed to the weakening of the movement:

Moral authority of Gandhian non-violence: Even those who admired revolutionaries saw non-violence as the mainstream path.
Severe government repression: arrests, executions, and torture.
Loss of leadership: Death of Chandrashekhar Azad (1931) in Allahabad and Surya Sen (1934) in Chittagong crippled both northern and eastern networks.
Shift in ideology: Inspired by Bhagat Singh’s socialist turn, many revolutionaries moved toward Marxism and left parties (CPI, CSP, RSP) or joined the Gandhian Congress.

Contribution Despite Limitations

Revolutionary nationalists of the 1920s–30s could not launch a mass-based armed struggle nor create strong rural links.
Yet their sacrifice, heroism, and defiance profoundly inspired the Indian youth.
In North India, Bhagat Singh and HSRA sowed the seeds of socialist thought.
In Bengal, the Chittagong uprising and the courage of women revolutionaries gave the struggle a new dimension of collective heroism.

➡️ Their role was less about immediate success and more about igniting patriotic pride, radical energy, and confidence in the people that British rule was not invincible.

✅ So, if we see the larger picture: while Congress under Gandhi was experimenting with non-violence and socialism was emerging as an ideological current, the revolutionaries in Bengal and the HSRA in North India injected fire, sacrifice, and socialist imagination into the freedom struggle. They did not succeed in overthrowing the Raj, but they succeeded in electrifying a generation.